“This is the poisoned well of the radical heart: the displacement of real emotions into political fantasies; the rejection of present communities for a future illusion; the denial of flesh and blood human beings for an Idea of humanity that is more important than humanity itself.”
“David Horowitz is an enormously important thinker among American conservatives.”
—The Weekly Standard
The Black Book of the American Left is first of all a narrative map of the battles fought over the last 40 years and — it must be said – lost, almost every one. The Black Book contains a record as complete as any likely to be written of the struggle to resist a Communist-inspired Left that was not defeated in the Cold War but took advantage of the Soviet defeat to enter the American mainstream and conquer it, until today its members occupy the White House.
Introduction to Volume VII
The Left in Power: Clinton to Obama
By David Horowitz
This seventh volume of the Black Book of the American Left reviews the administrations of three presidents and the transformation of the Democratic Party from a party of the American center into a party of the political left. The magnitude of this change can be measured in the distance Democrats have traveled since the presidency of John F. Kennedy, once a liberal icon. The Kennedy policies—militant anti-Communism, hawkish defense, a capital gains tax cut and balanced budget—are now firmly identified with the Republican right. At the same time, Barack Obama’s Democrats are committed to the agendas of the left: income redistribution, socialized health schemes, and military retreat abroad.
and to cripple American power—all in the name of furthering economic equality and social justice.
The 1948 progressives failed to defeat Harry Truman or achieve their foreign policy objectives, and became marginal to the political dramas of the next decade. Then, in the 1960s, a younger generation of progressives created a political movement that described itself as a “New Left.” But while New Leftists developed an innovative rhetoric to distance themselves from their Communist forbears, they were in fact mobilized behind the same antiindividualist, anti-capitalist and anti-American agendas as the Communist movement from which they sprang.
As the Sixties progressed, the New Left became more and more overtly radical until, in 1968, activists staged a riot at the Democratic Party convention to destroy the candidacy of Hubert Humphrey over his support for an anti-Communist war. Following the convention debacle and Humphrey’s electoral defeat, New Left activists moved from the streets into the ranks of the party. With the support of the Democrats’ 1972 presidential candidate, George McGovern, who had begun in his political career in the 1948 Henry Wallace campaign, the New Left radicals were able to take commanding positions in the party’s congressional apparatus, and eventually in its national leadership.
As the activists acquired power, their aggressive tactics achieved a series of political victories: the betrayal of the Vietnamese and Cambodians by the “Watergate class” of congressional Democrats who cut off military and economic aid to the anti-Communist regimes; the appeasement of Communist insurgencies in Central America and obstruction of the Reagan administration’s anti-Communist policies such as support for the Contras; the betrayal of Iraq and sabotage of the war on terror; the thirty-year assault on the nation’s borders; the undermining of public health measures during the AIDS epidemic; the traducing of the civil rights movement and its transformation into a lobby for race-based policies and racial preferences; the subversion of the modern research university and the suborning of its liberal arts divisions into training centers for the Democratic Party and the radical cause; and finally the rise of a campus support movement for Islamists and anti-Semites. These victories—documented in previous volumes of the present series—culminated in the election of Barack Obama in 2009 and the institutionalizing of the policies of the left in government over the next 8 years.
Brotherhood; and a major foreign policy effort to bring America’s mortal enemy, the Islamic Republic of Iran, into the community of nations, fund its terrorist regime and provide its leaders with a legitimized path to nuclear power.
Bill Clinton had been the first Democratic president with political roots in the so-called “antiwar” movement, although he himself was not an ideological leftist in the way his wife and political partner was. Accordingly, the opening chapter of this volume focuses on the views of Hillary Clinton and the cohort of leftists she brought to the White House. Leftists figured prominently in the Clinton entourage, and their agendas became prominent themes of an administration that eventually presided over the most massive breach of military security in American history—a story told in the last three chapters of Part I of this volume and now all but forgotten. This breach and the policies associated with it could not have been implemented if the political atmosphere had been confined to a few individuals, even as influential as Mrs. Clinton.
Important chapters in the Democrats’ defection from the bipartisanship which had characterized American foreign policy during the postwar years is told in other volumes of this series, in particular the essay “How the Left Undermined America’s Security Before 9/11,” which appears in Volume 3, The Great Betrayal. It describes the shift in Democratic Party attitudes on national security from the McGovern campaign through the Clinton years. Domestic effects of the progressive party line, which became a defining feature of Democratic politics over the next several decades, are analyzed in Volumes 5 and 6.
this development, described in Part 2 of the present volume, was laid in the demonization of George Bush and the Republicans, for staying the course in Iraq despite the Democrats’ defection from a war they had authorized. The part played by the left in this dramatic turn of Democratic policies was first described in my book Unholy Alliance (2004), which examined the still-poorly-understood events leading up to the invasion of Iraq and the growing sympathies of the political left for Islamist agendas.
to more than three million people, and is thus the most popular work I have written.
The Left in Power: Clinton to ObamaTable of Contents
Introduction to The Left in Power 1
Part I: Clinton 7
1 · First Lady of the Left 9
2 · Gays March on the Pentagon (with Peter Collier) 25
3 · Conservatism Needs a Heart 35
4 · Political Roles Reversed 39
5 · The African-American Amen Chorus 45
6 · Clinton’s Academic Shills 51
7 · Moral Issues in Politics 59
8 · Misdemeanors or High Crimes? 67
9 · A Question of Loyalties 77
10 · The Manchurian Presidency 85
Part II: Bush 95
1 · W” on His Game 97
2 · Al Gore’s Missile-Defense Dodge 101
3 · The Bad Fight (with Peter Collier) 111
4 · First Blood 117
5 · How Leftists Play the Race Card 125
6 · Who Is Guilty? 133
7 · The Doctrine of Pre-Emption 139
8 · The Liberal Hate Campaign 145
9 · Counsels of Cowardice 149
10 · Party of Defeat 153
Part III: Obama 157
1 · Candidate of the Left 159
2 · From Red to Green 167
3 · Obama’s Communist Czar 171
4 · Rules for Revolution 177
5 · Rules for Revolution Applied (with Liz Blaine) 207
6 · Obama and the War Against the Jews (with Jacob Laksin) 223
7 · From Shadow Party to Shadow Government (with John Perazzo) 253
8 · Why I Am Not a Neo-Conservative 287
9 · Occupy Wall Street 289
10 · How Obama Betrayed America 329
11 · War and Peace 345
12 · Obama’s Treachery 349
13 · The Hell That Is the Obama White House 353
14 · Thank You, ISIS 357
15 · The Blood on Obama’s Hands 361
16 · How Many Lies? 365
17 · Bush Was Right 369
18 · Treasons of the Democrats 373
19 · The Hate That Dares Not Speak Its Name 381
From the Author
I welcome comments on the Black Book and will reply to as many as I am able. I especially welcome comments from the left which so far has pretended that this critique does not exist. This is a throwback to the Stalinist era, and I hope that there are some leftists with the integrity to attempt to meet an argument rather than stamping it out. I hope all commenters will treat the intellectual issues involved and not resort to name-calling and anti-intellectual rants.